[Kabar-indonesia] 5 Corruption Reports: Law will target graft in private sector
Joyo at aol.com
Joyo at aol.com
Fri Aug 4 23:45:52 MDT 2006
5 articles:
- Law will target graft in private sector
- 'Take tangible action to change public view of graft'
- Accuracy, transparency and fairness
- KPU graft suspect wants minister arrested
- Kupang mayor under fire over graft
The Jakarta Post
Saturday, August 5, 2006
Law will target graft in private sector
Abdul Khalik, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
The government is drafting an anticorruption law to include bribery and fraud
in the private sector, following Indonesia's ratification of the United
Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) in April.
The new law would replace the 1999 Law on Corruption Eradication and its 2001
amendment.
Upon ratifying the convention, Indonesia issued a law consisting only of a
statement of ratification instead of comprehensive articles to enforce the
convention.
"The Justice and Human Rights Ministry is now designing the bill. We will
include all the articles in the convention except for stipulations on measures to
settle disputes through the International Court of Justice," Romli
Atmasasmita, a senior advisor to the State Minister for National Development Planning,
said Friday.
Romli, who is part of the drafting team, said the government could not
propose amendments to the existing laws because there would be too many additional
articles.
The new law must meet international standards in order to enable Indonesia to
recover assets taken abroad by corrupters, he said. He added that Indonesia
would have to report on the law to the UN once it was enacted, while every year
the UN would evaluate the progress of corruption eradication in the country.
The UNCAC comprises a total of 71 articles covering corruption in both the
public and the private sector. It defines bribery and extortion in the private
sector as corruption.
The prevailing Indonesian law does not classify private-sector bribery as a
crime. Perpetrators are usually given only administrative sanctions.
The convention also includes a mechanism for international cooperation in
recovering stolen assets and recognizes the rights of countries whose assets are
taken away by corrupters. It also regulates efforts to deal with money
laundering.
Romli said the new law would enlarge the jurisdiction of the Corruption
Eradication Commission (KPK) to enable it to investigate corrupt practices at
private businesses.
KPK chairman Taufiqurrahman Ruki agreed to the plan to include corruption in
the private sector in the law, and said the commission was prepared to probe
private-sector graft cases based on the new legislation.
"We should have a law that includes briberies and fraud in the private sector
in order for the country to be able to comprehensively root out endemic
corruption," he said.
Meanwhile, Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry (Kadin) deputy
chairman Agusman Effendi said his organization had formed a team to discuss Kadin's
participation in drafting the new anticorruption law.
"The law will be about us so we will give the government our comments. We
know that there are also corruption practices in the private sector and Kadin has
programs to support the anticorruption drive," he said.
Romli said it would better for the new law to take effect in two years to
give judges, prosecutors and police, as well as the public, time to understand
and endorse it.
Romli, Ruki and Agusman were among the speakers at a one-day seminar Friday
to discuss efforts to eradicate corruption in the private sector.
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The Jakarta Post
Saturday, August 5, 2006
'Take tangible action to change public view of graft'
To beef up his campaign against corruption, President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono invited world experts to Jakarta for a discussion Wednesday on how to
address this chronic problem. American professor Robert Klitgaard, who was among
those who spoke at the event, shared his views on the best strategies for rooting
out corruption with The Jakarta Post's Dwi Atmanta.
Question: How do you view corruption in Indonesia?
Answer: Looking at the anticorruption policies, statements and strategies
here, I think they are world class so far. If you are facing systemic corruption
then you need to take certain steps. There is an analogy. Suppose I'm a famous
heart surgeon and you come to me and you say how's my heart compared to this
other person's heart? Who cares? What can I do about your heart? So you
shouldn't be so worried about how Indonesia compares to other countries in terms of
how bad its heart is. We should be looking at how we're doing the right things
to make your heart healthy. And so far the steps I see are remarkably good.
I'm the most optimistic about Indonesia I have been since 1978 when I came here
for the first time.
Indonesia has enacted a number of laws to eradicate corruption, yet the
corruption continues. Why?
Laws alone are not the answer. What we have learned in the last 25 years is
that simply having elections does not guarantee a democracy. Simply having a
constitution does not guarantee good law enforcement and good courts. Simply
having free market reforms does not mean that the poor get access to credits and
the market automatically. So the institutions of democracy, justice and
economy are crucial. Not just the policy but the institutions.
So what are the steps for institutional reform? First you must change the
culture through strong penalties, so people understand that this is not the same
old game. And that's what your country has done. You have had eight or 10 very
high-profile prosecutions in the last year. Second you look at a system of
prevention. Corruption has a formula: monopoly plus discretion minus
accountability. So in your ministry, your procurement, your delivery service, you must go
through and find where is the monopoly, plus too much discretion, minus
accountability, and how can I have more competition, clear discretion and rules of
the game, and more accountability. That's what the country has to do now.
Third, how do we use civil society, the lawyers, the press, the church, the
Islamic faith, all of us, together, to diagnose the corrupt systems and find the
weak points and push.
Do strong penalties mean the execution of corrupt officials, like in China?
That's a very strong penalty. Punishment by itself has limits. Punishment
must be accompanied by prevention, education and institutional development.
Punishment alone will not work. China has executed hundreds of people for
corruption every year, but it is not reforming its institutions to provide a better
government.
Do you think corruption has something to do with the culture of a nation?
Small. I think it is an excuse. We have too many excuses for corruption.
William James wrote 100 years ago the first book on psychology called Principles
of Psychology. He said attitude followed behavior, not behavior followed
attitude. If you feel sad and wish to be cheerful, then act cheerfully and you will
feel cheerful. If you feel timid and fearful but you wish to feel brave, then
act bravely and you will feel brave. Behavior determines attitude, not the
other way around.
This means if we have a shock to the corrupt system and wake up, we will
punish corruption as it is no longer acceptable. If it is just a word, please
change your attitude, because we have heard it before. We heard it from (former
presidents) Sukarno, Soeharto, Habibie, Gus Dur. Everybody says the same thing.
But when we punish the big fish, we change the structure. You see, people seek
results. So that's what I always recommend, that reforms should start with
something tangible. Mozambique, for example, did three things in the first year.
They got rid of extortion in hospitals, schools and customs. Something
tangible will result in changing people's behavior.
What do you think is the best way to institutionalize the campaign against
corruption?
You have done a lot. You have institutions now, such as the KPK (Corruption
Eradication Commission). But the institutions of anticorruption are not the
same as the institution of the state. If courts, the auditors, the police are
corrupt or ineffective, having just the KPK is not enough. You must improve the
institutions, so I think the KPK is right to begin with the Supreme Court.
When you go to ministries, public works is a classic place for corruption.
Electricity, medicine are other classic places for corruption. In cases of big
projects, make sure the procurement and contract systems are state of the art.
We ask citizens to report and businessmen to tell us how the bad system is
working.
Do you think education plays a role in the anticorruption campaign?
Not much. Many people around the world believe that we need to change our
children's morality by teaching them in schools. But you know that some of the
worst countries do that. Zaire under Mobutu had careful training on ideology and
ethics while he was still stealing money. Venezuela under Chavez was trying
to indoctrinate people to be good. I just don't think how we can do that. I
don't think government knows how to change the ethics of citizens by schooling.
Instead we should provide leadership by example and behavior will change.
What country can Indonesia learn from in combating corruption?
Yesterday I showed the President (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) Colombia. The
country was third from the bottom in 1998 (for corruption), now it's about the
average. They saved 242 billion pesos through their anticorruption campaign.
Every single government agency is online. Everything they buy, every contract,
every bidding is online, so all citizens can see exactly what is going on, how
much they pay, who gets it, what the criteria are.
I think Mexico is another good one. The Mexicans under (President Vicente)
Fox began an anticorruption campaign. And I went down and visited after one year
and I was very impressed. They (the Fox administration) had a problem because
they didn't have the majority in the legislature, so a lot of things they
wanted to do couldn't get through the opposition. But they did a lot of good
things.
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The Jakarta Post
Saturday, August 5, 2006
Opinion
Accuracy, transparency and fairness
Patrick Guntensperger, Jakarta
Indonesia is far from unique in being a country in which journalists are
routinely influenced by their sources or the subjects of their stories. Everywhere
in the world, people have a vested interest in seeing that stories are
reported in a particular way, or even reported at all.
Everywhere in the world, writers and editors are susceptible to persuasion,
whether it is overt or subtle.
A shopping center opening is only news if it is reported. It is only likely
to be reported if the media are invited, and it is only likely to enjoy the
kind of coverage its investors want if the media enjoy their assignment. To
ensure that the media enjoy their assignment, it is absolutely standard practice to
provide perks.
These perks can include anything from the standard "goodie bag" full of press
releases (marketing material) and product samples (gifts of merchandise) to
straightforward cash money in exchange for a positive story (possibly even
written by the PR department). While the latter is clearly unethical, the former
is so routine that it doesn't even come under scrutiny.
But let's step back for a moment and ask ourselves why this question of
journalistic ethics is even important. After all, these are reporters, not public
servants. If a reporter takes a bribe from a PR department and then runs a
favorable story, who cares?
The PR guy is happy, the reporter augments a traditionally meager income, the
editor gets some copy to run, and the public gets a flowery "report" of a
trendy new shopping center. It's not like a judge selling a verdict, or a member
of the government soliciting a bribe for a vote on some important legislation.
Where's the harm?
The standard answer is that the public is harmed. The public is harmed
because it becomes impossible to distinguish accurate, objective reporting of a
story from a spun piece of self-serving fiction. The standard answer, the one that
journalism professors and professional media members will repeat from rote,
is that the practice of chequebook journalism diminishes the public's respect
for the press's objectivity and therefore diminishes the value of a free press.
But in a world where any thinking person knows that there is no such thing as
objectivity anywhere, just how important is the public's belief in the
objectivity of the press? One needn't be a media analyst to understand that the
writer of a story makes subjective choices with every keystroke, just as an editor
imposes his personal views as he cuts, pastes, and rewrites.
The traditional ideal of the perfectly objective recorder of facts is not
only pretentious; it is patently false. Every story is influenced by the very
fact that it is being reported, whatever the manner in which the facts are
related.
The public doesn't believe in the objectivity of the press; it never has, it
never will, and it never should. When a reader chooses between The New York
Times and The Washington Times at a newsstand, the reader is choosing a bias.
Left-lib intellectual, or neo-con? The Manchester Guardian, or the (London) Sun?
The Village Voice, or The Wall Street Journal?
Regular readers of any newspaper have some idea of what to expect...that's
why they read that particular paper. People tend to gravitate to a news source
that reinforces their own biases. So whom are we kidding when we speak about
maintaining the objectivity of the press? If objectivity in the media is
synonymous with integrity in the media, then the media is utterly devoid of integrity.
The truth is that objectivity is not only an impossible ideal to aspire to;
it might not even really be worth the effort. What would make far more sense
would be for the press to aspire to accuracy, to fairness, to even-handedness,
and to transparency. These at least, are attainable aspirations.
Accuracy should be a fundamental; it can never be an absolute, but it must be
strived for with every professional breath a journalist draws. Check the
facts; check the dates, the numbers, the spelling of names. Verify, confirm, and
reconfirm. Don't report it as fact unless it is absolutely certain to be true.
Any media outlet that doesn't follow these basic steps puts the reputation of
the press in far more serious jeopardy than does the reporter who gets a free
dinner from a source.
Fairness? Even-handedness? This is a matter of recognizing that every source
is biased, and that every journalist and every journal is biased as well. To
be even-handed in reporting a story means taking the extra step, the step that
might undermine the reporter's own biases, and getting alternative views on
the record along with the primary source's views.
As all reporters are humans, with human predispositions and prejudices, this
is perhaps the hardest thing for a reporter to do. It's what separates the
professional from the hack, the journalist of courage and integrity from the rank
and file.
Transparency? This ought to be the easiest of all to attain. Transparency in
journalism means exposing your prejudices, declaring your biases, making your
personal point of view evident. With this kind of transparency in journalism,
a reporter, indeed a media outlet, can have it both ways.
Reporting can be done with a bias and with integrity at the same time, if the
bias is acknowledged. Nobody believes in the press's objectivity anyway, so
declaring it and making it manifest would only increase the journalist's
credibility.
Which would be more honest? A worshipful story about a fabulous new shopping
center, or precisely the same story with a final paragraph listing the gifts
that were given to the reporter? Now ask yourself: If the reporter were
required to include that list of inducements, is it likely that the story would be
written in the same way? Probably not.
The story would probably be less effusively positive, more balanced. Most
people would venture to say that if a reporter were required to expose his/her
biases, he/she would be likely to write a more even-handed story, even if only
to appear unswayed by mere filthy lucre.
People will always try to persuade journalists to see things their way.
Journalists will always have their personal views. If the industry really wants to
increase the public's respect for journalists, the answer lies not in
pretending to the false ideal of objectivity, but, rather, to the genuine ideals of
accuracy, fairness, and transparency.
The writer is a Jakarta based political risk analyst. He has been a
professional journalist either full time or as a sideline for over 25 years. He may be
reached at pguntensperger at yahoo.ca.
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The Jakarta Post
Saturday, August 5, 2006
KPU graft suspect wants minister arrested
Adisti Sukma Sawitri, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta
Former election commissioner Daan Dimara, who is now on trial for corruption
charges, filed a petition Friday asking the Corruption Eradication Commission
(KPK) to arrest the justice minister for his alleged role in the case.
Daan accused Justice and Human Rights Minister Hamid Awaluddin, who was a
General Elections Commission (KPU) member along with him, of involvement in
inflating the price of ballot seals for the 2004 legislative elections.
In his letter to the KPK, Daan said his lawyer, Erick S. Paat, submitted the
petition following a suggestion by the panel of judges at the Anticorruption
Court during the suspect's trial last Tuesday.
"Hamid must be arrested for perjuring himself at the trial," Daan said in the
letter.
He explained that Hamid committed perjury when he refuted the testimony of
five witnesses who all said Hamid had attended a meeting to discuss the
procurement of ballot seals and the inflating of their price.
Along with the petition, Daan provided evidence of Hamid's alleged
involvement in the scam, including a letter from PT Royal Standard president director
Untung Sastrawidjaya to Hamid, bargaining over the price of the ballot seals.
However, Erick said he did not put much faith in sending the letter to the
KPK because the Criminal Code clearly stated that the presiding judge was the
only person authorized to recommend an arrest of suspect during court
proceedings.
"We only sent the letter to comply with the judges' suggestion. We know that
the KPK cannot do anything about it," he told The Jakarta Post.
Erick said he would again ask the judges to issue an arrest warrant for Hamid
during the next trial session Tuesday.
"I hope they will give us a more reasonable excuse for rejecting our demand
in the next court hearing," he said.
KPK deputy chairman Tumpak Hatorangan Panggabean has said his body could not
issue an order for the arrest of anyone during the trial.
"The matter of a perjury suspect can only be established by the presiding
judge. Prosecutors can later report the matter to the police who can then make an
arrest," he said.
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The Jakarta Post
Saturday, August 5, 2006
Kupang mayor under fire over graft
KUPANG, East Nusa Tenggara: A citizen's advocacy group in East Nusa Tenggara
has demanded to know why Kupang Mayor Semuel Kristian Lerik and Kupang
municipal secretary Yonas Salean have not been named suspects in a Rp 4.5 billion
(US$500 million) graft case.
The group's director, Sarah Lery Mbuik, said its own investigations indicated
the two officials were involved in the misappropriation of money from the
2003-2004 Kupang budget. But despite the evidence of their involvement, neither
has been named a suspect in the case.
"They were the ones authorized to disburse the funds, which they later
divided up, with Rp 100 million going to each council member," she said in Kupang on
Friday.
She said investigations led by the Kupang and the provincial police left the
impression that the two were being protected because of their positions.
"Thirty council members and three municipal officials have been named
suspects," she added.
An official at the provincial prosecutor's office, Hartadi, said the office
had received case files on the two men last Monday.
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Joyo Indonesia News Service
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